Date limite pour l'envoi des propositions : Les propositions d'une longueur maximale de 500 mots de même qu'une courte biographie doivent être envoyés par courriel (euce@dal.ca et finn.laursen@dal.ca) au plus tard le 15 Janvier 2012.

25 propositions seront retenues et annoncées sur le site du CEUE (www.euce.dal.ca) le 1er février 2012. Les personnes dont la proposition aura été retenue devra envoyer une version préliminaire de leur papier au moins une semaine avant le colloque de façon à permettre aux participants de le lire avant la rencontre. 

Pour toute question concernant cette activité, veuillez contacter le professeur Finn Laursen à l'adresse suivante : finn.laursen@dal.ca.

Présentation du colloque :

Croatia is set to join the EU in 2013. Accession negotiations with Iceland have started. According to the latest enlargement reports from the European Commission Montenegro may open accession negotiations soon and Serbia may possibly become an official candidate country, although this is still rather uncertain. Negotiations with Turkey are not making progress and those with Macedonia cannot make progress because of the name dispute with Greece. Political conditions in Bosnia and Albania will most likely rule out candidate status for these countries for a number of years, and Kosovo is still not even recognized by five EU member states.

            What are the prospects for future enlargements? Will the Icelandic government be able to conclude accession negotiations and win a membership referendum? What obstacles have to be overcome in the Western Balkan countries which want to become EU members? Will the membership perspective be a stimulus for reforms? What are the lessons from Bulgarian and Romanian accession in 2007? Were they insufficiently prepared? And, in the longer term, may some countries now offered Eastern Partnerships become candidates for EU accession?

The EU also faces a number of internal challenges, especially the eurozone financial crisis, and more broadly the employment crisis. What steps are needed to overcome these crises? Was the Maastricht EMU set-up faulty? Is an economic government needed in the EU? Will more fiscal federalism be required?

Linked with the current challenges are questions of decision-making and leadership in the post-Lisbon Treaty EU. Is there a tendency to increasingly revert to intergovernmentalism, as for instance argued by the Spinelli Group? Should the application of the Community method, with enhanced roles for the Commission and the European Parliament, be the way forward? Might that mean the end of the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) as the way to increase competitiveness and create jobs? Will another treaty change be required to allow for imposition of economic policies on member states, as suggested by former ECB president Jean-Claude Trichet? And if economic governance is tightened among eurozone members, how will this affect EU member states not taking part in the euro? With all the challenges facing the EU will we get even more multi-speed integration than we currently have? Might there even be risks of major set-backs?